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Kevin Sandler

Kevin Sandler discusses his mood tracking.

Kevin Sandler woke up one day in 2018, a senior in high school, and decided to do something unusual. A self-described "data nerd," he wanted to find a way to make a quantitative roadmap to understanding what, exactly, made him happy. So, he began charting his moods every fifteen minutes and has done so for the past seven years.

He's not the first to track moods. The popular logging journal app, A Year in Pixels, helps people assess their emotions using color grids that people can individually design. One can then see their moods change with charts based on weeks, months, and years allowing them to visualize how their overall well-being tracks through time.

In fact, Sandler was inspired by this app, but wanted more. He didn't just want the "what" or "when" of it all. He wanted the "why." In an exclusive chat with Upworthy, he jokes, "I thought, how can I make this even MORE intense?"

His goal? "I just wanted to visualize my life, in terms of happiness. I wanted to see my happiness charted in a graph. From there, it took on a life of its own."

At first, he started tracking his mood three times per day, but thought, "My mood changes too much." He then did it hourly, finally landing on 15-minute intervals of waking hours. (We did confirm that he doesn't wake himself up in the night to measure his moods.)

In her opinion piece "Are We Happy Yet?" for The New York Times, author Jessica Grose spoke to Sandler, who admitted that "when you're in the moment, you don't have a full perception of how you actually feel." This is why, she explains, he "tracks his location using Google Maps and then the following day creates a kind of emotional map." This gives him a bit of perspective, which ultimately provides stronger pattern recognition.

Kevin sandler, mood tracking, happiness chart, data, information A chart by Kevin Sandler tracking his moods through a year.Kevin sandler

Sandler also discovered that "happiness" wasn't exactly the end goal. Instead, it's being content or "satisfied with your life overall." Another distinction Sandler makes very clear is that what he's searching for is a formula for his happiness, fully acknowledging that it's different for everyone. He also notes that he's specifically looking for actionable data—things he can actually do to put his findings into positive action. "There's a lot of information out there on what makes you happy. So like, sunlight or close connections. But what action can I take today? And what is the measurable impact? The search for that formula is what keeps me going."



@sndcastle

Tracking my happiness in fifteen minute intervals - Scotland Day 3

He recognizes that there are a lot of theories, philosophies, and studies committed to what makes people happy. "Is being around other people still the biggest influence? Absolutely. Nothing new that the secret to happiness is connection. But now that we have that knowledge, how can we get practical? How many hours should you spend around other people? What quality of people do I need to be around?"

When asked what seems to work for his personal happiness, besides the aforementioned sunlight and human connection, he shares that the quality of the people you spend your day around is a huge factor. But also, "how motivated you feel about what you're working on that day."

He also mentions the importance of personal values. "I value distinctiveness and novelty. So, I like to make each day have its own distinctiveness from the last. I want to figure out that formula for myself, that can inspire other people to find their own formula."

Kevin Sandler, happiness, mood tracking, data, study Kevin Sandler sits outside as he tracks his mood.Kevin Sandler

Another discovery is the unique magnificence of being able to look at how far he's come. "I started when I was 17. It's crazy how different your emotional variability changes from a teenager into adulthood. And the fact that I got to track my happiness through that transition is remarkable. Because the highs and lows that I used to go through. I have quantitative data to show how different it is!"

Education

Incredible news: Child poverty in America has fallen 59% since 1993

Increases in the social safety net played a big role.

via Pixabay

Siblings holding hands and looking toward a bright future.

A wonderful piece of news has come out of the blue that will change a lot of people’s perceptions about America’s future and how we tackle complex economic issues. A new report by The New York Times and Child Trends shows that child poverty dropped a whopping 59% percent in the United States between 1993 and 2019.

The poverty rate dropped an additional 10% in 2020 due to aggressive, albeit temporary, COVID-19 aid measures. If those numbers were included in the study, the child poverty rate would be 69% lower.

“This is an astounding decline in child poverty,” Dana Thomson, a co-author of the Child Trends study, said according to The New York Times. “Its magnitude is unequaled in the history of poverty measurement, and the single largest explanation is the growth of the safety net.”


What’s interesting about the study is that it gives people on both sides of the political aisle reason to rethink their opinions on how the country tackles poverty. The study shows that liberals were correct in their belief that a robust social safety net can bring children out of poverty. The Earned Income Tax Credit, Social Security and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) contributed the most to protecting children from poverty.

Conservatives can take a victory lap because another major reason for a reduction in child poverty was that more single mothers began to work after welfare reform enacted in the ’90s reduced cash payouts to parents without jobs.

The number of single mothers in the workforce increased from 69% to 79% by the end of the ’90s.

The reduction in child poverty also comes during a period of growth in which the GDP per capita, median household income and state minimum wages have all seen increases. The number of kids living with two caretakers and the percentage of the population with a high school diploma has gone up as well.

It’s also notable that the child poverty rate has declined by about the same degree among children who are Hispanic, Black, Asian and white. However, the rising tide may have lifted all boats but the ethnic poverty gap among children still persists. According to Pew Research, Black and Hispanic children are still about three times as likely to live in poverty than white and Asian children.

The decline in child poverty also coincides with a drastic reduction in teen pregnancy rates. The teen birth rate has gone down from 61.8 of every 1,000 births in the U.S. to just 17.4 in 2018. Child Trends attributes this to a decline in teen sex as well as an increase in contraceptive use. The study warns that the recent overturn of Roe v. Wade may lead to an increase in economic hardships for children.

In a country where we are always bemoaning a lack of progress, this study on child poverty shows that smart policy—regardless of what side of the aisle it stems from—can have a major impact on the lives of America’s most vulnerable. It also gives hope that we can learn from these lessons to further alleviate poverty not just among children, but the American population in general.

Jimmy Carter at the Commonwealth Club in California, 2013.

It’s been a year since the January 6 insurrection at the Capitol Building and it’s clear that America has failed to learn the lessons of the uprising. The attack on the Capitol left five dead and defaced a monument to the greatest gift that humankind has bestowed upon itself, democracy.

It was a prime example of the damage that has been done to this country by opportunists on the right who promoted the false narrative that the 2020 election was stolen.

The riot showed what people in power put at risk when they spread misinformation and cast doubt on the democratic process. Surely, this horrific example would have caused people in power—whether in Washington, the media, or America’s religious institutions—to cool down the rhetoric and restore faith in democracy.

But sadly, it hasn’t.

A new NRR Ipsos poll found that two-thirds of GOP voters, and just over one-third of all voters, still believe the “Big Lie.”


via Wikimedia Commons

On the one-year anniversary of the attack, former president Jimmy Carter wrote an op-ed for The New York Times to warn America of the danger of promoting the “Big Lie” and how it can lead to the downfall of our “precious democracy.” But he didn’t just sound the alarm, he also provided four practical steps on which Americans of all political stripes can reverse course and improve our collective faith in vital institutions.

Carter opens “I Fear for Our Democracy” by lamenting the fact the uprising hasn’t been taken seriously enough.

“There followed a brief hope that the insurrection would shock the nation into addressing the toxic polarization that threatens our democracy,” Carter writes. “However, one year on, promoters of the lie that the election was stolen have taken over one political party and stoked distrust in our electoral systems.”

Carter has a real fear that Americans may lose democracy altogether.

“I now fear that what we have fought so hard to achieve globally—the right to free, fair elections, unhindered by strongman politicians who seek nothing more than to grow their own power—has become dangerously fragile at home,” Carter writes.

via Wikimedia Commons

The former president has a long history of promoting democracy abroad and understands its power to transform a nation.

“After I left the White House and founded the Carter Center, we worked to promote free, fair and orderly elections across the globe,” Carter writes. “I led dozens of election observation missions in Africa, Latin America and Asia, starting with Panama in 1989, where I put a simple question to administrators: ‘Are you honest officials or thieves?’”

Ever the pragmatic politician, Carter laid out four ways that Americans can work together, regardless of party, to undo the damage done to the democratic process over the last few years.

1. Gather around common values.

“First, while citizens can disagree on policies, people of all political stripes must agree on fundamental constitutional principles and norms of fairness, civility, and respect for the rule of law.”

2. Reform the election system.

"Second, we must push for reforms that ensure the security and accessibility of our elections and ensure public confidence in the accuracy of results.”

3. Be about more than politics.

"Third, we must resist the polarization that is reshaping our identities around politics. We must focus on a few core truths: that we are all human, we are all Americans and we have common hopes for our communities and our country to thrive.”

4. Fight disinformation.

"Lastly, the spread of disinformation, especially on social media, must be addressed.”

via Wikimedia Commons

In the op-ed, Carter refrains from speculating on what would happen in America if its citizens completely lost all faith in the democratic process. But it's not hard to imagine it would quickly lead to the decay of every institution that upholds the fragile framework for freedom and civility.

“Our great nation now teeters on the brink of a widening abyss,” Carter warns in his final paragraph. “Without immediate action, we are at genuine risk of civil conflict and losing our precious democracy. Americans must set aside differences and work together before it is too late.”

You can read the entire op-ed at The New York Times.


Wikiimages by Pixabay, Dr. Jacqueline Antonovich/Twitter

The 1776 Report isn't just bad, it's historically bad, in every way possible.

When journalist Nikole Hannah-Jones published her Pulitzer Prize-winning 1619 Project for The New York Times, some backlash was inevitable. Instead of telling the story of America's creation through the eyes of the colonial architects of our system of government, Hannah-Jones retold it through the eyes of the enslaved Africans who were forced to help build the nation without reaping the benefits of democracy. Though a couple of historical inaccuracies have had to be clarified and corrected, the 1619 Project is groundbreaking, in that it helps give voice to a history that has long been overlooked and underrepresented in our education system.

The 1776 Report, in turn, is a blaring call to return to the whitewashed curriculums that silence that voice.

In September of last year, President Trump blasted the 1619 Project, which he called "toxic propaganda" and "ideological poison" that "will destroy our country." He subsequently created a commission to tell the story of America's founding the way he wanted it told—in the form of a "patriotic education" with all of the dog whistles that that phrase entails.

Mission accomplished, sort of.


The 1776 Report from the commission was released yesterday, and historians have near-universally panned it as an ahistorical piece of political propaganda—and a poorly constructed one at that. (You can read the report here.)

Even just a cursory glance at the table of contents is a clue to the what-the-what foolishness we're going to find within it.

The introduction to the report states that the 1776 Commission is "comprised of some of America's most distinguished scholars and historians" and calls the report "a definitive chronicle of the American founding, a powerful description of the effect the principles of the Declaration of Independence have had on this Nation's history, and a dispositive rebuttal of reckless 're-education' attempts that seek to reframe American history around the idea that the United States is not an exceptional country but an evil one."

The first problem is that these "distinguished scholars and historians" don't include a single actual American historian among them. There are a couple of people whose scholarship fields—namely political science and classicism—are somewhat tangentially related to the topic, but if you're really trying to write a "definitive chronicle of the American founding," it would probably be good to include some actual experts in American history.

Of course, there's a good reason that they didn't include American historians—because finding an actual American historian to sign onto such a distorted representation of history is darn near impossible. It might also be because actual historians generally do their research work through universities, which the report criticizes as "hotbeds of anti-Americanism, libel, and censorship that combine to generate in students and in the broader culture at the very least disdain and at worst outright hatred for this country."

David W. Blight, Professor of History, of African American Studies, and American Studies at Yale, calls the report "beliefs devoid of history," a "puerile, politically reactionary document," and "the final desperate act of MAGA functionaries" which "needs a janitor's broom."



He also wrote that the report "may end up anthologized someday in a collection of fascist and authoritarian propaganda," a sentiment shared by Stanford PhD student Austin Clements, whose studies focus on fascism and the Far Right.

Heather Cox Richardson, an American historian from Boston College who has grown a huge following for her daily documentation of American history in real-time, wrote of the report: "Made up of astonishingly bad history, this document will not stand as anything other than an artifact of Trump's hatred of today's progressives and his desperate attempt to wrench American history into the mythology he and his supporters promote so fervently."

Even Steven Wilentz, a Yale historian who has criticized the 1619 Project, told the Washington Post that the 1776 Project is nothing more than political commentary. "It reduces history to hero worship," he wrote in an email. "It's the flip side of those polemics, presented as history, that charge the nation was founded as a slavocracy, and that slavery and white supremacy are the essential themes of American history. It's basically a political document, not history."

Professor Jacqueline Antonovich asked historians on Twitter to share their "favorite" part of the report and kicked off the parade by pointing out that there are no citations—no footnote, endnotes, or bibliography—to be found. A high school history paper would be flunked for such an omission.

Columbia history professor, Dr. Karl Jacoby, pointed out that the document lavishes praise on the Declaration of Independence (indeed, it's a primary focus of the report) but totally ignores the fact that it calls Indigenous people "merciless Indian savages." As a matter of fact, Indigenous people basically don't exist in this telling of America's founding.

Eric Rauchway, history professor at the University of California at Davis, told the Washington Post, "It's very hard to find anything in here that stands as a historical claim, or as the work of a historian. Almost everything in it is wrong, just as a matter of fact. I may sound a little incoherent when trying to speak of this, because the report itself is not coherent. It's like historical whack-a-mole."

One of the criticisms of progressivism in the report is what it refers to as a post-Civil Rights Movement focus on "group rights." However, Rauchway recalls the formation of the Senate as an example of group rights that long predates modern sensibilities. "Group rights is not anathema to American principles," he told the Post. "Why do Wyomingers have 80 times the representation that Californians have if not for group rights?"

The way both slavery and the post-Civil Rights Movement era are treated is mind-bogglingly distorted, as Ibram X. Kendi points out.

He also points out the inherent problem with the "Black people have been given preferential treatment for decades" argument, which logically leads to the racist idea that since disparities still exist, Black people must just be inferior.

One of the worst aspects of the report is that it was released on MLK Day,

The problem is that this report will undoubtedly be used by some as the foundation for American education, ignoring the irony that it's a blatantly biased propaganda document that decries teaching "one-sided," "activist propaganda."

Nikole Hanna-Jones has said that she wanted to write the 1619 Project and its accompanying curriculum to get kids to ask questions. Historian Kevin Levin points out that the 1776 Report appears to have the opposite focus, viewing "students as sponges who are expected to absorb a narrative of the American past without question. It views history as set in stone rather than something that needs to be analyzed and interpreted by students."

And as writer Michael Harriot pointed out, the report is merely a return to the whitewashed history students were taught for generations, putting the founding fathers up on a pedestal from which they could do no real wrong and glossing over the problematic elements of our history that still have lingering effects today.

A nuanced approach to American history is vital, as is acknowledging that two things can be true at the same time. The democratic principles laid out in the founding documents of our nation are exceptional and deserving of praise and the U.S. has yet to truly live up to the ideals they espouse. It is in no way unAmerican or anti-American to be honest and forthright about America's past and current sins and to strive to form a more perfect union by working toward true liberty and justice for all. Equating a desire to better understand the vast, ongoing impact of historical injustices in our country with "hatred for America" is simplistic and untrue. It's not only possible to love America and want her to be better, it's actually a sign of loving America to examine her past fully, to assess her present truthfully, and to imagine her future hopefully.

To pretend that the U.S. is and has always been perfect is an insult to the millions who have suffered at her hands, and this report is an insult to the millions who understand that. Whitewashing history in the name of "patriotic education" is not virtuous. It never has been and it certainly never will be.