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Dr. Seuss might be known for his children's books, but his political cartoons were next-level

The well known author wrote more than 400 clever and poignant cartoons during World War II.

Image dated November 25, 1969, via SIO Photographic Laboratory Collection: Selections, UC San Diego Library

This photo was taken of Theodor Seuss Geisel at the UC San Diego Library.

Did you know that in addition to being a beloved author of children's books, Dr. Seuss wrote more than 400 political cartoons during World War II?

Theodor Seuss Geisel, better known as Dr. Seuss, gifted the world with stories like "The Cat in the Hat," "The Lorax," "Green Eggs and Ham," and dozens of other childhood classics until his death in 1991.

In recent years, however, it's some of his lesser known works from the 1940s that have gained attention.

As World War II was slowly moving toward a reality, Seuss began penning cartoons for PM, a liberal publication, frequently pushing back against the "America First" mentality of U.S. isolationists opposed to U.S. involvement in the war.

So when Donald Trump adopted "Make America Great Again" as his campaign slogan, echoing cries of "America First" — the rallying call for an anti-Semitic and Nazi-appeasing segment of the wartime U.S. population — some of Seuss' cartoons began to find new relevance more than 70 years after first being published.

Like this one, which depicts a mother reading a book titled "Adolf the Wolf" to children while wearing an "America First" shirt, explaining that because the wolf's victims were foreign children, it didn't really matter that the wolf ate them — a clear parallel to the conflicting approaches to our modern refugee crisis.

Dr. Seuss, political cartoon, isolationism, refugee crisis

A Dr. Seuss political cartoon sharing thoughts on isolationism.

Image dated Oct. 1, 1941, via Dr. Seuss Political Cartoons/Special Collection and Archives, UC San Diego Library

"And the Wolf chewed up the children and spit out their bones ... but those were Foreign Children and it really didn't matter."

Russia, Germany, Europe, war, political cartoon

Cartoon about WWII and Hitler dragging Russia into the war.

Image dated June 25, 1941, via Dr. Seuss Political Cartoons/Special Collection and Archives, UC San Diego Library.

"A. Hitler taxidermist"

clams, frantic, Hitler, political satire, 1941

Dr. Seuss uses clams in talking about Hitler in a political cartoon from 1941.

Image dated July 17, 1941, via Dr. Seuss Political Cartoons/Special Collection and Archives, UC San Diego Library.

"We Clams Can't Be Too Careful."

political satire, cartoon, WWII, war commentary

A political satire created by Dr. Seuss on the impending World War II.

Image dated May 27, 1941, via Dr. Seuss Political Cartoons/Special Collection and Archives, UC San Diego Library.

"The old Family bath tub is plenty safe for me!"

Suess's other comics took aim at overarching issues like anti-Semitism, racial inequality, and political obstructionism — all issues still relevant today.

To be sure, the comics were far from perfect and reflected some ugly stereotypes of their own. For instance, many of his cartoons amplified some pretty awful impressions of Japanese citizens and Japanese-Americans. And while it's easy to chalk that up as being simply an element of the time, that type of anti-Japanese sentiment helped fuel the racism and paranoia that eventually led to Japanese internment.

WWII, Hitler, cartoon, singing, antisemitism

A Dr. Seuss cartoon depicts Hitler singing.

Image dated July 20, 1942, via Dr. Seuss Political Cartoons/Special Collection and Archives, UC San Diego Library.

"Only God can make a tree to furnish sport for you and me!"

elephant, tank, satire, archives, political, Dr. Seuss

An elephant tries to stop a tank in a political cartoon.

Image dated Oct. 24, 1941, via Dr. Seuss Political Cartoons/Special Collection and Archives, UC San Diego Library.

"Stop all U.S. progress."

pledge of allegiance, flag, political cartoon, racial prejudice

Political cartoon uses 'Pledge of Allegiance' to make a point.

Image dated July 30, 1942, via Dr. Seuss Political Cartoons/Special Collection and Archives, UC San Diego Library.

"The Guy Who Makes a Mock of Democracy."

appeasement, Nazism, America first, political cartoon

Political cartoon suggests the war is coming to America.

Image dated Sept. 9, 1941, via Dr. Seuss Political Cartoons/Special Collection and Archives, UC San Diego Library.

"Relax, Sam, I assure you the express turns off right here!"

If the world of Dr. Seuss can teach us anything, it's that history is our best defense against modern tyranny.

Well, that, and the fact that Americans will always love goofy hats:

satire, analogies, political satire, cartoons, 1940's

Political cartoon suggests burying your head in the sand.

Image dated April 29, 1941, via Dr. Seuss Political Cartoons/Special Collection and Archives, UC San Diego Library.

"We Always Were Suckers for Ridiculous Hats."

See more of Seuss' wartime comics at the University of California San Diego Library's website.This story originally appeared on 03.02.17

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8 real talk tips for non-black people who want to be better allies.

'When we tell you how we feel, don’t just listen to respond. Listen to understand.'

Are you helping more than you’re hurting?

Ally(-ies) / noun (pl.) / A person who associates or cooperates with another; supporter.

A protest against police brutality in Berkeley, California in 2014. Photo by Annette Bernhardt/Flickr.


I’m an activist, and my main platform is Twitter, so I am constantly trying to help people be better to one another in whatever ways I can.

Recently, some of my followers asked me an important question: What makes a “good” ally?

Good intentions? Solidarity? No one truly has the perfect answer, but after a good hour or so, I came up with a basic set of guidelines. Here they are:

1. Don't divert the conversation.

Am I telling you that you’re not allowed to ask about other problems? Are you supposed to care about black people's struggles and only those struggles? Of course not!

What I’m saying is that, when talking about one problem, your answer shouldn’t be to ask about another. You wouldn’t go to breast cancer rallies asking, “What about brain cancer?” so please don’t do it about black lives.

2. Amplify us.

This has always been a problem with the ally-ship of the black community. It seems as though non-black people can never tell the difference between using their status to amplify our voices and speaking for or over us.

Photo via iStock.

I’m gonna be honest: We don’t need you to pretend to know our struggle because we know you don’t. Non-black people will never experience America like black people will, and that is just something you will have to accept. But we do need you to amplify our stories, to give us platforms to speak.

3. Please stop using black pain for attention.

There have been many instances in which non-black people have used our anguish for attention. This is also known as "black pain porn." It’s a tactic news outlets occasionally use when you see the overrepresentation of black people in tragedy, but it pushes the agenda that we are somehow always in turmoil.

4. If you know you have black followers on social media, be cautious of the stuff you share.

Exposure is so important in times like these when we can watch the death of black bodies like home movies anywhere, anytime. This has brought to light so many injustices, but it has also desensitized us.

Photo by Scott Olson/Getty Images.

But consider how traumatizing it is to see people who look like you being murdered in the street, their bodies left to rot in the sweltering heat, glamorized and projected everywhere you look. Knowing that someone was killed for just looking the way you do and that their killer will likely receive no repercussions does something unexplainable to your psyche. So, when we ask you not to post anymore videos of black bodies dying, please respect that.

5. Join organizations that help us. Black Lives Matter isn’t the only source of support.

Listen, not all of us are big fans of the Black Lives Matter organization, but that’s not an excuse to not participate in our liberation at all. It is also not every black activist’s job to point you in the right direction. The internet is an amazing source of information — look up ways to get involved in your community.

6. When we tell you how we feel, don’t just listen to respond. Listen to understand.

Communication is important when it comes to social justice — but know the time and place for it. A perfect example is when we riot. As Martin Luther King Jr. once said, “Rioting is the language of the unheard.”

A riot is a symptom of extreme systemic problems. So hear us out. Don’t listen to my concerns to disregard them. Don’t listen to me to prove your own point. You may not understand or agree with what I experience, but that doesn’t give you the right to invalidate my feelings. You don’t have to condone our response to injustice to understand it.

Photo by Yana Paskova/Getty Images.

7. Talk to your family and friends.

If you know your surroundings are anti-black, try to fix that. Defend us when we’re not there to do it ourselves.

You’re no help to me if you’re only an ally to my face, but silent behind closed doors. All of this starts from within. Use your privilege to nip any injustice in the bud. Actions will always speak louder than words.

8. Check up on us. Our mental health is almost always overshadowed.

In the chaos that comes with movements and liberation, mental health is often pushed to the side for the sake of reaction. In fact, mental health has always been a taboo subject in the black community, so I can see how you might forget to ask, “Are you OK?”

However, it’s not fair for us to be subjected to this hate and injustice and still be expected to come out of it unscathed. Some might say, “Well, I don’t need anyone to check up on me. I’m not weak.” But that’s not the point at all, is it? It is not weak to have people care about your well-being. You’d be cheating yourself if you kept yourself from that. So ask, please ask: How are you?

What now?

Non-black allies, you don’t have to move mountains or give speeches.

Photo by Eduardo Munoz Alvarez/AFP/Getty Images.

But you can be considerate. You can listen. You can ask. You can act. You can refuse to be silent. We don’t get the luxury of ignorance. Neither should you.

Dear Donald,

You're running for president. I say that since you occasionally forget things that just happened.

While on the campaign trail in August, you made your pitch to black and Hispanic voters like me. And then you asked us a question.


"What do you have to lose?" you asked.

Photo by Robyn Beck/AFP/Getty Images.

I'm not taking this quote out of context either. Here are your actual remarks from a speech in Akron, Ohio. The emphasis is mine:

"The Democrats have failed completely in the inner cities. For those hurting the most who have been failed and failed by their politician — year after year, failure after failure, worse numbers after worse numbers. Poverty. Rejection. Horrible education. No housing, no homes, no ownership. Crime at levels that nobody has seen. You can go to war zones in countries that we are fighting and it's safer than living in some of our inner cities that are run by the Democrats. And I ask you this, I ask you this — crime, all of the problems — to the African Americans, who I employ so many, so many people, to the Hispanics, tremendous people: 'What the hell do you have to lose? Give me a chance. I'll straighten it out. I'll straighten it out. What do you have to lose?' And you know, I say it, and I'm going to keep saying it. And some people say: 'Wow, that makes sense.' And then some people say: 'Well, that wasn't very nice.' Look, it is a disaster the way African Americans are living, in many cases, and, in many cases the way Hispanics are living, and I say it with such a deep-felt feeling: What do you have to lose? I will straighten it out. I'll bring jobs back. We'll bring spirit back. We'll get rid of the crime. You'll be able to walk down the street without getting shot. Right now, you walk down the street, you get shot. Look at the statistics. We'll straighten it out. If you keep voting for the same failed politicians, you will keep getting the same results. They don't care about you. They just like you once every four years — get your vote and then they say, 'Bye, bye!'"

So much of what you said there is wrong. Even if I set aside the big, huge fact that not all black people live in the lawless, urban hellscapes you so eloquently described, there are plenty of black communities that don't meet the threshold of "living nightmare." Some are even wonderful places to live.

Some of us live in cities and neighborhoods that are mostly white, Donald. We share their schools. Live together in neighborhoods. And, yet, we're still coming up short.

Police arrest a protester who tried to stand his ground after an unlawful assembly was declared on a street near the site where an unarmed black man, Alfred Olango, 38, had been shot by police. Photo by David McNew/Getty Images.

But I digress.

It was the question you asked near the end that really makes me mad.

What the hell do I have to lose, Donald? Everything. I have everything to lose.

I'm just one black voter and can't begin to, nor do I care to, speak for all black people in America. But since you asked, allow me to tell you three pretty important things I stand to lose by giving you my vote.

1. I could lose my life if I put my faith in you. Yeah, let's start with that.

My white friends wonder aloud how you got this far in the race. I don't.

I've been followed around a department store. I've been called "nigger" while running in my own neighborhood. I live less than 20 miles away from the 7-11 where a white supremacist ran over a black teenage boy with his car while his girlfriend reportedly cheered, "Get him, baby!"

I'm well aware that racists (and the people who love them) are alive, well, and living among us. And you, Donald, have encouraged them. You've goaded them. You've cheered them on. They have a friend in you — a champion even. They will fight for you, they will lob insults and bigotry for you, and it would not surprise me one bit if they would kill for you too, all under the guise of making this country great again.

Protesters and supporters of Donald Trump fight during a rally outside Trump's event in San Diego. Photo by Mark Ralston/AFP/Getty Images.

I want a president who knows we have a lot of work to do, who understands that we need to root out racism and check our privilege in this country. I want a president who isn't a loudmouth bigot, who knows my life matters and acts accordingly.

But that president is not you.

2. I could lose my marriage voting for you. It's pretty great and I'd like to keep it.

I love my wife. I love making her dinner. I love falling asleep next to her. I love planning our life together. We were married just weeks after the Supreme Court declared same-sex marriage the law of the land. It was pretty freakin' magical.

So I'll be damned if anyone, especially a do-nothing, narcissistic philanderer, is going to take that away from us, or even entertain the backward people who still think mine or any LGBTQ relationship is up for negotiation.

A married couple smile at the crowd in the New York City Pride March. Photo by Drew Angerer/Getty Images.

I also know LGBTQ rights didn't begin and end with marriage, and I want a president who gives a damn about transgender women of color being murdered in cities across the country.

I want a president who fights for nondiscrimination acts instead of these phony religious freedom bills. I want a president with a plan to get homeless LGBTQ kids off the street and one who doesn't care which bathroom someone uses as long as they wash their hands.

But that president is not you.

3. I could lose my civil liberties and personal freedoms if you became president. Those are things I would like to keep.

You're a big fan of stop-and-frisk, the deeply disturbing practice of police officers profiling people (mostly black and brown men), stopping them on the street, and often handcuffing or restraining them while they're searched and questioned indiscriminately.

It's degrading, humiliating, and largely ineffective. Yet you want to double down on a policy that pits people of color against police officers and does the exact opposite of unifying communities and building trust? No, thanks.

Photo by Spencer Platt/Getty Images.

You and your main man Mike Pence also don't trust me to make my own reproductive decisions either.

I want a president who trusts me. One who trusts I'm not a terrorist or crook simply because I'm black. One who trusts that I know my own body and what to do with it.

But that president is not you.

I want a president who is willing to put in work to get to know the communities, cultures, and religions that make this country a place to be proud of.

I want a president who knows we all still need each other.  

Photo by Robyn Beck/AFP/Getty Images.

I want a president who understands that my life as a black woman is complex. I am not just a brown version of a white person. I am not a caricature dancing on a stoop or a large sassy woman in a beauty shop. There is history here, and it's deep, rich, and nuanced, and I want a president who understands this.

You, Donald, don't understand this. Not because you're white — but because you haven't tried.

Because you are not a president.

So no, Donald, you don't have my vote. Not today, not tomorrow, not ever.

Sonia Sotomayor's lacerating dissent in Utah v. Strieff is rightly being applauded for its forthright defense of suspects' rights.

Photo by Allison Shelley/Getty Images.


The case — in which a Utah man under no suspicion was illegally stopped by a police officer, was found to have an outstanding traffic warrant, and was subjected to a search that turned up a small quantity of methamphetamine — was decided by a 5-3 majority in favor of the state.

Writing for herself — citing W.E.B. Du Bois and Ta-Nehisi Coates among others — Justice Sotomayor argues that the Court's ruling, which opens the door for courts to admit evidence that was obtained after an illegal stop, is likely to particularly burden black and brown communities.

"It is no secret that people of color are disproportionate victims of this type of scrutiny," Sotomayor wrote.

"For generations, black and brown parents have given their children 'the talk'— instructing them never to run down the street; always keep your hands where they can be seen; do not even think of talking back to a stranger — all out of fear of how an officer with a gun will react to them."

The key passage in the dissent is one in which Justice Sotomayor viscerally explains what it's like to be stopped by the police.

NYPD officers arrest a protestor at a Donald Trump rally. Photo by Eduardo Munoz Alvarez/Getty Images.

In exposing the gap between those on the bench or in the gallery who have never been arrested and those, particularly poor and nonwhite Americans, for whom it's an everyday fact of life, Sotomayor cuts right to the heart of the problem.

It's a long section, but well worth your time (emphasis mine):

"The indignity of the stop is not limited to an officer telling you that you look like a criminal. The officer may next ask for your 'consent' to inspect your bag or purse without telling you that you can decline. Regardless of your answer, he may order you to stand 'helpless, perhaps facing a wall with [your] hands raised.' If the officer thinks you might be dangerous, he may then 'frisk' you for weapons. This involves more than just a pat down. As onlookers pass by, the officer may 'feel with sensitive fingers every portionof [your] body. A thorough search [may] be made of [your]arms and armpits, waistline and back, the groin and areaabout the testicles, and entire surface of the legs down tothe feet.'"

"The officer’s control over you does not end with the stop. If the officer chooses, he may handcuff you and take you to jail for doing nothing more than speeding, jaywalking, or 'driving [your] pickup truck ... with [your] 3-year-old son and 5-year-old daughter ... without [your] seatbelt fastened.' At the jail, he can fingerprint you, swab DNA from the inside of your mouth, and force you to 'shower with a delousing agent' while you 'lift [your] tongue, hold out [your] arms, turn around, and lift [your] genitals.' Even if you are innocent, you will now join the 65 millionAmericans with an arrest record and experience the 'civil death' of discrimination by employers, landlords, and whoever else conducts a background check. And, of course, if you fail to pay bail or appear for court, a judge will issue a warrant to render you 'arrestable on sight' in the future."

Being arrested is not a small matter, and in her dissent, it's clear Sotomayor wants her colleagues to truly understand what it is like.

Far from a minor inconvenience, an arrest is a dehumanizing experience that stays with people — both the trauma of it and the concrete permanent record of it — long after the initial detention.

NYPD officers arrest a protestor in Union Square. Photo by Eduardo Munoz Alvarez/Getty Images.

Being arrested involves submitting to the complete control of police officers, even if you're innocent.

Being arrested can involve being touched, all over your body, in a public place.

Being arrested can involve having your tongue prodded, your body showered in chemicals, and your genitals examined.

To remove protections given to citizens against these illegal arrests is to subject more Americans to an experience that will follow them for years, if not the rest of their life.

Furthermore, Sotomayor correctly noted that the Supreme Court's decision presents police officers with a perverse incentive.

Photo by Justin Sullivan/Getty Images.

Armed with the knowledge that any evidence they obtain is likely to be admitted regardless of how legal the initial stop was, officers are freer to simply stop people who "look suspicious," a drastic curtailing of the Fourth Amendment, which protects against "unlawful search and seizure."

And even though the defendant in this particular case was white, in America...

"Looking suspicious" can often mean "being black."

"Looking suspicious" can often mean "being brown."

"Looking suspicious" can often mean "being poor."

Despite the disparities, the justice's stinging dissent is a warning not to treat unlawful arrests as an abstract matter — a thing that only happens to "other people."

It's easy to dismiss the eroding of suspect rights' as a problem for those who are black or brown or poor. And disproportionately, it is.

That's enough reason on its own to object to the ruling.

But Sotomayor's plea for empathy underscores a crucial point:

Constitutional protections against police overreach exist to safeguard the rights of every single American.

Interns run with copies of a recent Supreme Court opinion while guards stand watch. Photo by Mark Wilson/Getty Images.

And what can happen to one of us can happen to all of us.